Difference between revisions of "Ghana NGO Sector"
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The majority of foreign NGOs in Ghana operate in the North. This is a result of colonial underdevelopment, and in contrast to the center and southern areas, there is a lack of a major export base (Mohan 13-20). A key element is the relationship between indigenous or Southern NGOs (SNGOs) and external, often Northern-based or international NGOs (NNGOs, INGOs). This inter-NGO relationship, a local-global collaboration, creates the perception of a civil society that is internationally networked, but in reality, reflects a “major line of tension.” NNGO’s reliance on funding breeds a conservative outlook and a reluctance to allow local NGOs freedom to administer their programs because so many SNGOs lack capacity and transparency, a suggestion which SNGOs then react against. As donors seek reliable and successful NGOs in which to sink foreign capital, civil society trends towards “niched NGOs” or just a few large organizations (Mohan 14). | The majority of foreign NGOs in Ghana operate in the North. This is a result of colonial underdevelopment, and in contrast to the center and southern areas, there is a lack of a major export base (Mohan 13-20). A key element is the relationship between indigenous or Southern NGOs (SNGOs) and external, often Northern-based or international NGOs (NNGOs, INGOs). This inter-NGO relationship, a local-global collaboration, creates the perception of a civil society that is internationally networked, but in reality, reflects a “major line of tension.” NNGO’s reliance on funding breeds a conservative outlook and a reluctance to allow local NGOs freedom to administer their programs because so many SNGOs lack capacity and transparency, a suggestion which SNGOs then react against. As donors seek reliable and successful NGOs in which to sink foreign capital, civil society trends towards “niched NGOs” or just a few large organizations (Mohan 14). | ||
| − | There is a risk that the official aid channeled through these NGOs compromises their autonomy and affects their ability to carry out successful programs. [[NGO Networking|Partnerships]] between NGOs and their donors refocuses NGO efforts towards satisfying donor demands (Porter 136-37). Decentralization has impacted these circumstances and encourages participation by the target communities receiving aid. Porter notes two relevant types of decentralization that impact NGOs: the establishment of local offices by INGOs, and state administrative decentralization. The latter is promoted by the World Bank as a means for good governance, a way in which local districts can work in partnership with NGOs and community-based organizations. But, there is evidence that donor-supported decentralization to the 110 administrative districts is creating a tier of local NGOs whose principal aim is job and wealth-creation for the entrepreneurs who establish them. The result has been misappropriation of funds under decentralization | + | There is a risk that the official aid channeled through these NGOs compromises their autonomy and affects their ability to carry out successful programs. [[NGO Networking|Partnerships]] between NGOs and their donors refocuses NGO efforts towards satisfying donor demands (Porter 136-37). Decentralization has impacted these circumstances and encourages participation by the target communities receiving aid. Porter notes two relevant types of decentralization that impact NGOs: the establishment of local offices by INGOs, and state administrative decentralization. The latter is promoted by the World Bank as a means for good governance, a way in which local districts can work in partnership with NGOs and community-based organizations. But, there is evidence that donor-supported decentralization to the 110 administrative districts is creating a tier of local NGOs whose principal aim is job and wealth-creation for the entrepreneurs who establish them. The result has been misappropriation of funds under decentralization (Porter 138). |
==Transparency and Good Governance== | ==Transparency and Good Governance== | ||
| − | Public and press reports highlight government’s allegations of corruption in Ghana’s third sector. In 2003, Director of Ministry of Manpower Development and Employment Amoakwe said that NGOs were directing eighty percent of aid towards administrative costs such as operational expenses and salaries, and only twenty percent towards programs. He also stated only a fraction of the country’s 3,000 NGOs had submitted the annual reports and statements of accounts required by law. NGOs not in compliance faced blacklisting | + | Public and press reports highlight government’s allegations of corruption in Ghana’s third sector. In 2003, Director of Ministry of Manpower Development and Employment, Amoakwe, said that NGOs were directing eighty percent of aid towards administrative costs such as operational expenses and salaries, and only twenty percent towards programs. He also stated only a fraction of the country’s 3,000 NGOs had submitted the annual reports and statements of accounts required by law. NGOs not in compliance faced blacklisting (BBC News, 25 February; [[South Africa NGO Sector|South African]] Institute of International Affairs, April 2004). While these allegations reflect the tensions between government and civil society organizations, there have been instances of graft and corruption. Mohan observed evidence of NGOs being used as patronage structures and political vehicles. As Mohan notes, |
| + | <blockquote>“More insidious is the use of NGOs as vehicles for personal and party political gain by local officers. This is achieved through various mechanisms — petty corruption, largesse, interlocking political affiliations, and ‘status’ —and, as we have seen, the less obvious ways in which indigenous NGOs defend local culture in the face of ‘outsider’ intervention. In effect, some NGOs become fiefdoms for local élites to further their material and political status” (Mohan 2005: 18).</blockquote> | ||
| − | + | Field research by Mohan looked at two SNGOs which he termed “A” and “B” to preserve confidentiality. He found that the Director of A is a District Assembly Member and the NGO is seen as “indivisible” from the former ruling party. The Director of B was placed under investigation by the National Bureau of Investigation for writing checks without accounting for the funds’ destination. The NGO’s operations were suspended pending the outcome of the inquiry (Mohan 18). | |
| + | To combat corruption and to promote transparency and [[Methods of Enhancing Accountability|accountability]], the suggestion of freedom of information (FOI) laws is slowly gaining currency. A survey by freedominfo.org notes in 2006 that none of the 38 poorest countries classified by the World Bank as Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) had an FOI law. In February 2003, Ghana and its donors agreed to enact a freedom of information law as part of its Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (World Bank 2003). A goal of adopting an FOI law was set for 2004, but passage of a bill into law has lagged. | ||
| − | + | ==Conclusion== | |
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| − | + | Despite this recent [[History of the NGO Sector|history]] of embattled relations between government and civil society, the nonprofit sector can look forward to renewed progress. In June 2006, Akosua Frema Osei Opare, Deputy Minister for Manpower, [[Youth NGOs|Youth]] and Employment, indicated that the national NGO policy was currently being prepared for cabinet and parliamentary approval. | |
| − | + | There is indication that the NGO sector, with government assistance, is moving towards establishing a quantifiable method for tracking the number and type of organizations in the sector. Also in June of 2006, a revised and updated directory of NGOs in Ghana, covering 2005-2008, was published (The first edition was published in 1999). In making the announcement of the directory, Deputy Minister Opare said the ministry was engaged in developing a computerized database on NGOs and community-based organizations nationwide in order to maintain updated information and accreditation. | |
| − | There is indication that the NGO sector, with government assistance, is moving towards establishing a quantifiable method for tracking the number and type of organizations in the sector. Also in June of 2006, a revised and updated directory of NGOs in Ghana, covering 2005-2008, was published | ||
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| + | The nonprofit sector acted to further establish and regulate itself in the 1990s. Now in the new century, challenges remain, but with further building of local and national coalitions, and working with global networks, nonprofits will be supported and can continue to be a significant actor in Ghanaian society. | ||
==References== | ==References== | ||
Latest revision as of 09:16, 13 August 2008
As early as Ghana's pre-colonial era, civil society has shaped, and been shaped by, the country’s political developments. After independence in 1957, the government created economic and social reconstruction development plans. This included putting local development committees and the emerging nonprofit sector in charge of providing education, health and social services to the country’s citizens. During the period of political and economic instability that followed independence, citizens were dependent on humanitarian aid and emergency services provided by churches and charities (Atingdui 1995:11-12).
By the early 1980s, the country’s subsequent reorganization of the public and private sectors directly affected religious and church-related organizations, requiring them to reapply for registration with the government (Atingdui 1995:12). Despite the government’s move to exert more control over NGOs, local groups continued to grow and expand unabated. A sharp increase in international development assistance to Ghana occurred between 1989 and 1990, with a significant amount of funds going to the nonprofit sector (World Bank, World Tables). The 1990s saw an exponential growth in the non-profit sector and non-governmental organizations in Ghana, in both the number of groups and their range of activities. By the mid 1990s, the number of registered nonprofit organizations grew to over 700 (Atingdui 1995:15).
Today, the sector encompasses thousands of organizations of all sizes and types. Nonprofit organizations in Ghana are defined as “civil society organizations that are formed independently of the State but register voluntarily under specified laws in order to gain official recognition to pursue purposes that are not self-serving but oriented towards public benefit.” (NGC National Draft Policy). As Ghana moves into the 21st century, civil society in the country is a sector that is still growing and defining itself.
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